(Bloomberg) — Harassment claims against Ted Baker Plc Chief Executive Officer Ray Kelvin have cost the British fashion mogul more than 70 million pounds ($90 million) in just two days, as shares of the clothier have plunged by as much as a quarter.

The London-based company’s stock fell as much as 14 percent Tuesday after trade journal Retail Week published an article in which it said it heard multiple accounts of staff hugs with Kelvin “turning into something else” and women being asked to sit on the founder’s knee.

Tuesday’s drop followed a 15 percent decline Monday as Ted Baker ordered an independent investigation after staff started a petition calling for Kelvin to stop hugging them. A spokeswoman said the company had no further comment since a statement Monday.

The company said then that while hugs are “part of Ted Baker’s culture,” claims of harassment are “entirely at odds” with the values of the company and its founder, who is 62.

Kelvin owns about 15.5 million shares in the company he founded 30 years ago, according to Bloomberg data. His holding, equal to about 35 percent, was worth about 213 million pounds as of 11:52 a.m. in London, down from 284 million pounds before news of the scandal emerged over the weekend.

Stifel analyst Scott Ransley cut his rating on Ted Baker to “hold” from “buy,” pending the outcome of the investigation. He said the negative publicity could be particularly damaging for womenswear sales in the run-up to Christmas, while the future of Kelvin’s shareholding might also be questioned.

Prince Louis of Cambridge hasn’t been seen since he was born, but expect more adorable photos of the newest royal baby soon after his christening.

Prince Louis — the third child of the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge and the fifth in line to the British throne — will be christened on Monday at St. James’s Palace’s Chapel Royal, which has been home to many important moments of British royal history, including royal weddings and other religious ceremonies.

Prince Louis’s christening will also be the his first appearance with the complete royal family, including his siblings Prince George and Princess Charlotte.

In preparation for Prince Louis’s christening, here are 5 things to know about the historic Chapel Royal:

Prince George was also christened there

Prince Louis isn’t the only royal baby from his immediate family to be christened at the Chapel Royal.

While Louis’s older sister Princess Charlotte was baptized at the Church of St. Mary Magdalene in Sandringham, Prince George’s christening was at the Chapel Royal in 2013. Prince George’s ceremony was officiated by the same reverend, Archbishop of Canterbury Justin Welby, who will officiate Louis’s.

It’s where Kate Middleton had her communion before her royal wedding

Prior to her engagement to Prince William, the Duchess of Cambridge hadn’t been confirmed by the Church of England. Middleton was confirmed in a private and secretive ceremony at the Chapel Royal on March 10, 2011. Because Prince William is expected to become king — making him the future Supreme Governor of the Church of England — many considered this religious service necessary for Middleton.

King George V was married there

Prince George, the Duke of York, and Princess Mary of Teck, were married in the Chapel on July 6, 1893. According to an 1893 issue of the Dubuque Daily Herald, the Chapel Royal was “beautifully adorned with palms, flowers, and carpeted with crimson” for the royal wedding of George and Mary.

Queen Victoria and Prince Albert were married there

King George V wasn’t the first royal to be married in the Chapel — Queen Victoria and Prince Albert were married there in 1840. The Sydney Morning Herald reports Victoria’s diary revealed a woman madly in love with her husband, which was somewhat taboo for a 19th-century woman.

It seems that Queen Victoria fell in love with Prince Albert immediately after meeting him at age 20, according to the Morning Herald. She even referred to him as “beautiful” in one of her diary entries, according to the BBC.

In 1840, Queen Victoria wrote, “Already the 2nd day since our marriage; his love and gentleness is beyond everything, and to kiss that dear soft cheek, to press my lips to his, is heavenly bliss,” according to the Morning Herald.

It has a sad connection to Princess Diana

After Princess Diana’s tragic death on August 31, 1997, her body was taken from a private mortuary and then kept at the Chapel Royal before her funeral.

Amnesty International says Apple Inc is creating the Orwellian future it once envisioned by potentially opening up the data of Chinese iCloud users to Beijing’s scrutiny.

Texts, photos, emails, contacts and any other information stored on Apple’s cloud service in China could now be easily accessed by the government, Amnesty claims, warning of possible arrests or imprisonment as rights to privacy and free speech are infringed upon.

Apple famously positioned itself as a champion of free expression in its iconic “1984” advertisement.

According to an Amnesty blog post, to comply with new legislation in China, Apple, as of last month, began hosting Chinese users’ accounts on servers operated by a Chinese company, with the encryption keys managed by the local provider. The rights group says that previously, in order to view a Chinese account, Beijing would have had to go through the U.S. legal system. Now, communist officials will be able to go through China’s compliant courts.

“Apple’s pursuit of profits has left Chinese iCloud users facing huge new privacy risks,” Amnesty’s East Asia Director Nicholas Bequelin alleged in a statement. Apple reported record earnings of $17.9 billion in Greater China in the last quarter, up from US$16.2 billion in the same period a year ago.

According to some estimates, mainland China is the largest market of iPhone users.

“By handing over its China iCloud service to a local company without sufficient safeguards, the Chinese authorities now have potentially unfettered access to all Apple’s Chinese customers’ iCloud data. Apple knows it, yet has not warned its customers in China of the risks,” Bequelin said.

The human rights group this week launched a social media campaign targeting Apple, just in time to coincide with Chief Executive Officer Tim Cook’s visit to Beijing.

In a statement to Reuters, Apple said it had to comply with the new Chinese laws, and ultimately decided it was better to allow local hosting of the iCloud than to discontinue the service, which it argued could lead to an even greater erosion of users’ data privacy and security.

“While we advocated against iCloud being subject to these laws, we were ultimately unsuccessful,” it said.

An Israeli spacecraft currently on its way to the the moon is toting a 30-million-page “civilization backup,” according to NBC News.

The ‘Lunar Library’ started its journey to outer space late February on a robotic lunar lander called Beresheet launched by SpaceX. The archive, which is housed on a metal disc about the size of a DVD, was created by the Arch Mission Foundation, a Los Angeles-based non-profit. The archive is intended to preserve records of human civilization for at least 6 billion years.

The 200GB of data contained on the archive includes tens of thousands of fiction and non-fiction books, the entire English-language contents of Wikipedia, textbooks, a full reference library and some Israeli songs and children’s drawings. Language translation tools and instructions on how to access and decode the information is also written onto the disc.

“For the survival of our species, we need to find ways to raise our awareness of what worked and didn’t work, and we need to ensure it is shared with the people of the future,” Nova Spivack, co-founder of Arch Mission Foundation, told NBC in an email.

Read More: Israeli Spacecraft Took Selfie With Earth on Its Way to the Moon

The NGO has already sent a copy of the English-language contents of Wikipedia into low-Earth orbit and put a copy of Isaac Asimov’s science-fiction trilogy Foundation in the glovebox of a Tesla Roadster which is expected to orbit the sun for hundreds of millions of years.

“The Roadster is the perfect place to put an Arch library so that it can be noticed and retrieved in the distant future,” says a statement on Arch Mission’s website.

The Israeli lunar lander took off from Florida’s Cape Canaveral Air Force Station on Feb. 21. It will remain in Earth’s orbit until it gets close enough to the moon to enter its gravitational pull, which is expected to be in early April. If the landing its successful, it will be Israel’s first touch down on the moon.

By the time Martin Luther King Jr. came to Memphis in the spring of 1968 to march in solidarity with sanitation workers striking for union recognition, better wages and safer working conditions, his diagnoses of America’s ailments had evolved significantly. He’d been to Los Angeles in the midst of the 1965 Watts riot, and witnessed the anguish of poor and marginalized black Angelinos. He’d spent much of 1966 in Chicago, fighting for open housing and a dramatic relief program for the city’s poor. By late that year, he’d begun to seriously refocus upon exposing and subverting the systemic processes that trapped millions of Americans — of all races — in crippling poverty.

One result of that refocusing was the interracial Poor People’s Campaign of 1967-1968 that King helped launch and died trying to build. Among the many gathered in Memphis this week, on the 50th anniversary of King’s assassination there on April 4, 1968, will be those who seek to bring its goals to fruition. Taken together, those commemorations reflect important dynamics in how King’s legacy is being remembered — and put to use.

“We are seeing that the people are ready,” Rev. Dr. William Barber II told me by phone last Friday. This week, he and I are both in Memphis to mark the anniversary, but when we spoke, Barber was traveling between West Virginia and Eastern Kentucky, organizing coal miners on behalf of the Poor People’s Campaign: A National Call for Moral Revival. That modern campaign, which Barber co-chairs with Rev. Liz Theoharis, is dedicated to the pursuit of economic justice across lines of race, religion, region, ethnicity, gender and sexuality. It’s explicitly modeled after King’s campaign of the same name.

As a historian of African America, I have spent recent weeks thinking about how commemorators and organizers are interpreting the King legacy and putting it to use in 2018. When Barber and I spoke — and when I spoke to Theoharis in a separate, shorter conversation — we discussed at length the new Poor People’s Campaign, and what it draws from King and longer freedom struggle traditions. Notably absent from our conversation was the King who predominates in public memory. Barber mentioned the March on Washington once, but only to refer to the more radical aspects of the speech King delivered there (he does not mention “the Dream”). He mentioned the Selma campaign, but again only once, and then to highlight King’s theories — delivered at the end of the Selma campaign — about how elites historically fed poor and hungry whites the “psychological bird” of Jim Crow in order to bolster their understandings of racial superiority and keep poor white and black people from uniting in common cause.

Instead, when he and Theoharis talk about the lessons that King offers, most of what they draw upon is the work that King turned to in the last years of his life.

It isn’t that King turned away from trying to dismantle white supremacy during that later period, but rather that he increasingly understood the limited harvests that racial justice might reap absent economic justice. Late in 1967, when he announced the Poor People’s Campaign, he urged divestment in the Vietnam War and domestic reinvestment — most notably in an “economic bill of rights” with a guaranteed annual income, full employment and low-income housing.

He also increasingly argued that the nation’s collective soul was on the line. On the day he was killed, King was writing a Sunday sermon entitled “Why America May Go to Hell.”

“America is going to hell,” he wrote, “if we don’t use her vast resources to end poverty and make it possible for all of God’s children to have the basic necessities of life.” As historian Vincent Harding (King’s friend and sometime speechwriter) put it, King died in Memphis “in the consciously chosen company of the poor.” That is also how he spent much of his final years.

This is the King — capacious in his critiques, radical in his politics, and who suggested that America was quite possibly hell-bound over its militarism, materialism and failures to care for “the least of these” — that animates many of the most significant commemorations unfolding in Memphis this week surrounding the anniversary of his death.

Virtually all of these commemorations are explicitly activist in nature. Given King’s life’s work, this is as it should be. The degree to which these efforts are future-facing and pull from the antipoverty activism of King’s final years is, nevertheless, striking.

Locally, MLK50: Justice through Journalism, a team of investigative journalists led by long-time antipoverty activist and journalist Wendi Thomas, has labored over the past year to confront the causes of Memphis’ depressed wages and chasming wealth gap, and to expose the ways that power and wealth structure the city. Meanwhile, Micaela Watts from MLK50 notes that local activists from across Memphis, after a busy year fighting for justice on multiple fronts, have generally been quiet about this week’s commemorative events — the major exception being those that foreground fighting for fair pay and workers’ rights in accordance with the “radical economic agenda” of King’s final months. And the National Civil Rights Museum co-sponsored a symposium earlier this week asking participants to draw from King’s legacy and propose “actions and solutions” in pursuit of justice on everything from poverty to voting rights to police violence.

The new Poor People’s Campaign also returns to town this week to continue a collaborative initiative with The Fight for $15 campaign on behalf of a living wage. That effort was launched this February, on the 50th anniversary of beginning of the 1968 sanitation workers’ strike. Activists explicitly pulled from the sanitation strike, carrying signs modeled after those that workers famously held declaring “I AM A MAN.” The “I AM 2018” campaign — a collaboration between the AFSCME union (which represented the sanitation workers in the 1968 strike) and the Church of God in Christ (whose international headquarters at Mason Temple in Memphis were the site of King’s final public speech) — similarly draws from the past. The campaign seeks to train new activists under the vision that “there can be no racial justice without economic justice and no economic justice without racial justice.”

Whether they make the point explicitly or implicitly, it’s clear that the way these organizations are using the King legacy flows from present conditions in Memphis and in America. The civil rights movement’s demolition of legal Jim Crow apartheid in the late 1950s and early 1960s was one of the most important human achievements in American history, and is worth celebrating. Nevertheless, 50 years after King died fighting for the poor, there are about 15 million more poor people in the country than there were at the time of his assassination, according to the new Poor People’s Campaign. A majority of them are white, but black, Latino and Indigenous communities all experience poverty disproportionately relative to population numbers. Meanwhile, in majority-black Memphis, the black poverty rate is two-and-a-half times the white one, and black median income has remained slightly more than half of white median income for fifty years. And whereas King died trying to help workers win a union contract, today, the Memphis Chamber of Commerce uses the fact that Tennessee is a Right-to-Work state as a corporate recruiting tool.

In short, the essential logic framing and informing these commemorations is this: the problems of American poverty and the plight of American workers are in many ways worse than they were on April 4, 1968, meaning that the only proper way to commemorate Dr. King is to keep fighting for what he sacrificed his life for.

At the end of our conversation, Rev. Barber circled back to King’s last speech, delivered April 3, 1968, at Mason Temple. The speech has gone down in history as “The Mountaintop Speech” because of King seemingly prophesying his own death. But, Barber told me, calling it “The Mountaintop Speech” forgets King’s true purpose that night. The sermon was a celebration of mass uprising, and it was a call to keep pushing. “It wasn’t a mountaintop speech,” Barber explained. “It was a mobilization speech. King was in the valley, and he was there with garbage workers.”

And, indeed, in that speech, King highlighted the urgency of economic empowerment, and called for Memphis to go forth with a “dangerous unselfishness.” He told his audience: “we’ve got to give ourselves to this struggle until the end… Be concerned about your brother. You may not be on strike. But either we go up together, or we go down together.” That, more than anything, captures the spirit of what activists and organizers have been trying to do this week, this month and this year to honor Dr. King.

Historians explain how the past informs the present

Simon Balto is an Assistant Professor of History and Director of African American Studies at Ball State University. He is the author of the forthcoming Occupied Territory: Policing Black Chicago from Red Summer to Black Power, which will be published by the University of North Carolina Press.

(Bloomberg) — The U.S. political gridlock that has shut down part of the government risks running into a crucial deadline that would limit the Treasury’s borrowing ability, if left unresolved, and potentially threaten America’s top-credit standing.

While the looming end of a debt-ceiling suspension on March 1 won’t trigger credit-rating action, a prolonged standoff over the country’s debt limit well past that date would increase the risk of a technical default and raise the likelihood of a downgrade, according to some ratings analysts.

If Washington’s inability to compromise on a budget to reopen the government is mirrored in a failure to suspend or lift the U.S.’s debt ceiling before March 1, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin will be forced to use extraordinary measures to pay America’s bills and stay under the statutory cap. While Wall Street expects these accounting maneuvers to buy Treasury until about August before the hard financing wall is hit, rating firms say any surpassing of that cliff would jeopardize America’s credit stature.

William Foster, a senior credit officer at Moody’s Investors Service, says their base case is that Congress and the White House will come to an agreement before then and the U.S.’s top rating will remain intact. Yet, if that doesn’t prove to be the case and a technical default — where Treasury even temporarily can’t make good on payments — occurs, it would raise the specter of a downgrade. The U.S. is top rated by Moody’s and Fitch Ratings, and one rank below by S&P Global Ratings.

“The main risk on the debt ceiling and the rating has to do with is if there was a technical default, which would happen several months after the March 1 debt-ceiling trigger — when the U.S. Treasury runs out of extraordinary measures,” Foster said by phone. “After that, there are many things that can happen, and have in the past. Passing March 1 just starts the clock for Congress to come to an agreement with the White House to raise the debt ceiling.”

Talks to end a nearly three-week government shutdown broke down Wednesday after President Donald Trump stormed out of a White House meeting with congressional leaders, saying it was a “waste of time.” Trump has shown no sign of backing down on his demand for border wall funding, a key campaign promise, while the Democrats have said they won’t negotiate until the president agrees to re-open the government. Trump heads to the U.S.-Mexico border in Texas on Thursday to rally support for building the wall.

“What this shutdown — and the length of it — shows us is that it is no easier today for Congress to make these funding decisions and work together,” Charles Seville, a senior director at Fitch, said by phone. He said Fitch wouldn’t review the rating until the so-called x-date, when scope for the Treasury to finance itself using extraordinary measures runs out.

In a protracted 2013 debt-limit episode, Fitch put the U.S. rating on negative watch given the government’s failure then to raise its borrowing limit as the Treasury’s hard deadline neared.

In 2011, a split House and Senate, similar to the incoming Congress, took the debt-limit debate down to the wire, prompting S&P Global Ratings to cut America’s sovereign credit grade for the first time. Back then the company cited the Washington gridlock as well as the lack of an agreement to contain the nation’s growing debt load for its decision.

“The current argument over funding the federal government generates uncertainty, which hurts the economy via the impact on confidence and investment,” Jeff Sexton, director of communications for the Americas at S&P Global, said in an emailed statement. “We do not think that the possible negative economic impact would hurt the sovereign rating.”

He said that “uncertainty in policy formulation and timely decision making” were some of the factors that led to the 2011 downgrade.

Foster at Moody’s said that even in the event of a technical default, the government would “eventually pay everyone back in full.” But the ratings firm expects an agreement to raise the debt ceiling before that happens. “We’d certainly expect that to happen, as they have done in the past. That is our base case. That would avoid a technical default.”

Today’s store-bought drones are remarkably easy to fly, thanks to features like self-stabilization technology, obstacle avoidance sensors and so on. You could walk out of a shop, charge up your batteries and be airborne for the first time all within a single afternoon.

But as the video compilation above shows, it’s probably still a good idea to get some practice in before attempting any particularly tricky stunts. Even if drones have all sorts of high-tech features designed to keep them airborne, they aren’t impervious to the constant pull of earth’s gravity, the branches of an unseen tree, or even the grasp of a curious animal.

Watch the video above to see a selection of drone crashes from the aircraft’s perspective. And remember: Get some practice in before you try your best Maverick impression.

TIME Special Report: The Drone Era

If life is lurking somewhere in space, it’s done an awfully good job of hiding itself so far. But the jig may be up now that we have a better idea of where to look. That’s clearer than ever with the announcement in the journal Astronomy and Astrophysics of a newly discovered exoplanet orbiting an otherwise unremarkable star named Ross 128. Not only is the planet precisely the kind of place that could support biology, it’s located right down the street by cosmic standards — just 11 light-years from Earth.

The new world, prosaically named Ross 128 b, was discovered by a European telescope in the Chilean desert that looks for planets by what’s known as the radial velocity method. Even worlds orbiting the nearest stars are impossible to see by conventional telescopes. That’s partly because the planets are so tiny, in relative terms, and partly because the glare from the star washes out the view of anything nearby, much the way the glare from a streetlight makes it impossible to see a moth fluttering next to it.

Instead, astronomers look for the tiny wobble in the star that’s caused by the gravitational tugging of an orbiting body. If you know how to read the wobble you can learn a lot about the planet that’s causing it, and in this case that analysis is yielding some happy surprises.

According to the five-nation team of researchers who made the new discovery, Ross 128 b is no bigger than 1.35 times the size of Earth — very much the kind of planet that would have a solid surface where life could emerge. It orbits its parent star once every 9.9 days — an exceedingly fleeting year caused by the fact that the planet is 20 times closer to its star than Earth is to the sun. That ought to make the planet blisteringly hot, except that Ross 128 is a red dwarf, a far smaller, far cooler star than our yellow, so-called Class G star.

Even orbiting so close, Ross 128 b could thus have a surface temperature that averages about 269 degrees K, which sounds nasty until you realize that that comes out to about 73 degrees F (23 degrees C). What’s more, the planet rotates relatively slowly, meaning that if it has an atmosphere — by no means a sure thing — it would not have flung it off the way a rapidly spinning planet would over time.

But it’s something else in the nature of the star, not the planet, that makes the new announcement especially promising. We know of only one planet in the universe — our own — that harbors life, and so it has always made scientific sense to concentrate our search for extraterrestrial biology on planets circling sunlike stars. Those stars, however, are relatively rare, while red dwarfs make up perhaps 75% of all of the stars in the galaxy. Simple probability, then, says that they might be a far better place to go looking for living planets, provided those planets cuddle up close to the star’s hearth the way Ross 128 b does.

This is not the first time astronomers have discovered precisely this kind of Earth-like planet orbiting comfortably close to a red dwarf. Just last summer, a team of researchers who also used the wobble method discovered a planet orbiting an even closer red dwarf; indeed that dwarf, Proxima Centauri, is closer to Earth than any star in the cosmos, just 4.2 light-years away.

But the planet, Proxima Centauri b, faces some challenges Ross 128 b doesn’t. Red dwarfs can be volatile, sending out periodic flares that could blowtorch any atmosphere on a nearby planet off into space and destroy any life that might survive with their lethal levels of X-ray and ultraviolet radiation. In 2016, a team from the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory detected 66 separate flare events on Proxima Centauri. That would not necessarily be fatal to life on the nearby planet, but it wouldn’t do it any favors either. Ross 128, by contrast, appears to be a quieter star, with less frequent flaring — which is characteristic of more mature red dwarfs, further along in their life cycles.

None of this says that Ross 128 b or Proxima Centauri b or any other exoplanet has so much as a single living cell on it. What it does say is that the odds of life are at least greater than we knew and our search techniques are improving steadily. If biology is out there anywhere, we’re likelier to find it than we’ve ever been before.

The Pentagon is reviewing Elon Musk’s federal security clearance following the billionaire’s marijuana toke on a California comedian’s podcast in September, according to a U.S. official.

Musk has refiled his SF-86 security form, which requires a federal employee or contractor seeking a clearance to acknowledge any illegal drug use over the previous seven years, according to the official, who asked not to be identified. The entrepreneur has a secret-level clearance because of his role as founder and CEO of Space Exploration Technologies Corp., which is certified to launch military spy satellites.

A SpaceX official, who asked not to be identified, said the review hasn’t had an impact on the company. SpaceX’s day-to-day operations are run by President and Chief Operating Officer Gwynne Shotwell. The company has won contracts for national security space launches since Musk’s podcast incident, including one for three launches on Feb. 19 for $297 million.

But the refiling and review underscore the continuing ramifications from the chief executive officer’s decision last year to smoke marijuana on the podcast, which quickly went viral. And it highlights the legal discrepancies between federal and state policy on marijuana use: While about three dozen states have taken steps to decriminalize pot, its use remains a federal crime.

It “totally would make sense” for the Defense Security Service to ask Musk to update his application and to investigate the situation further, said Mark Zaid, a Washington attorney who specializes in federal whistle-blower cases and representing clients facing clearance challenges. Zaid doesn’t represent Musk and isn’t aware of the details of his case.

James Gleeson, a spokesman for closely-held SpaceX, declined to comment.

Musk in September sipped whiskey during a podcast of more than two and a half hours with comedian Joe Rogan in California that touched on topics from flamethrowers and artificial intelligence to the end of the universe.

The security refiling may be the least of Musk’s issues after a tumultuous week in which he got into another spat with the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission over his tweets about Tesla Inc., unveiled cheaper versions of Tesla’s electric vehicles and caught investors by surprise with plans to close auto showrooms. He also watched SpaceX launch a new spacecraft designed to ferry humans into orbit.

Tesla trimmed gains before closing up 0.1 percent at $276.59. Musk is the company’s co-founder and CEO.

Musk’s “adjudication” review by the Defense Security Service continues with no decision yet, the U.S. official said. Typically during an adjudication a person keeps his or her security clearance but loses access to information classified as secret, according to the official. If the drug use involves minor issues or doesn’t appear to contain any serious security concerns, the unit reviewing the case could just close it and update Musk’s record.

Nevertheless, there can be serious consequences for breaching security protocols.

Smoking marijuana is “absolutely grounds for termination or loss of a clearance if a federal employee or contractor currently uses” it, lawyer Zaid said in an email.

Top Defense Security Service officials are aware of Musk’s reapplication and review, said the U.S. official, who declined to discuss the case in detail but guided a reporter through the process Musk’s review is following.

Pot’s Legal Status

“The Department of Defense is following its normal process when information which may affect an individual’s clearance eligibility is brought to our attention,” the service said in an emailed statement to Bloomberg News, when asked if Musk was required to resubmit his clearance form after the podcast. “For privacy and security reasons, we do not publicly discuss individual clearance status.”

Although marijuana is legal for recreational use in many states, including California, it remains illegal for federal employees or contractors with security clearances, a point reiterated most recently in 2014 in a government-wide memo issued by then-Director of National Intelligence James Clapper, which remains in effect.

Clapper’s October 2014 memo says “an individual’s disregard of federal law pertaining to the use, sale or manufacture of marijuana remains relevant” in reviewing whether a security clearance must be reevaluated.

Separately, Musk’s marijuana use drew criticism from analysts and investors who follow Tesla, his electric car company, as a sign the CEO wasn’t focused sufficiently on addressing management and production issues during a particularly tumultuous period.

During the podcast, Musk said that while he wasn’t “a regular smoker of weed,” he took a drag from what Rogan described as a blunt containing tobacco mixed with marijuana.

“You want some of it? You probably can’t because of stockholders, right?” Rogan asked.

Musk replied “I mean it’s legal, right?” and then took a drag.

This post is in partnership with History Today. The article below was originally published at History Today.

Italy’s Fascist regime ended on July 25, 1943, when Benito Mussolini was arrested on order of the king, Victor Emmanuel III. But fascism was not dead. Democracy was not established until the end of the war and the death of Il Duce — shot by partisans in April 1945. Italy’s postwar leaders were anxious to avoid any repeat of a dictatorship. The postwar constitution — ratified in 1948 — was designed explicitly to prevent the concentration and abuse of power. Rights were guaranteed (to strike, for example, or not to be arrested arbitrarily) and reform was made extremely difficult.

Fascism remained largely taboo in the 1940s and 1950s, although fear of its return was constant. A small but combative neo-fascist party won around five percent of the vote, but was on principle excluded from structures of control. In 1960, the ruling Christian Democrats attempted to use the votes of the neo-fascists to form a government. Mass outrage resulted in riots and protests. A number of demonstrators were shot dead. The tactic was abandoned and the neo-fascists remained outside of the political mainstream for the next 30 years or so.

Nonetheless, fascism was a latent presence in postwar Italy. Neo-fascists were involved in a number of massacres and violent attacks on democratic institutions in the 1960s and 1970s. Young people were recruited to “black” organizations. The failure to fully acknowledge the deep-rooted nature of fascism in Italian society and to purge Fascist officials from the state and the judiciary meant there was continuity in many areas. A magistrate called Gaetano Azzariti, for example, who had presided over the much-hated Tribunal of Race, which applied the antisemitic laws passed by Mussolini in the 1930s, was allowed to stay within the judiciary. He rose to become the president of Italy’s Constitutional Court; a bust of him still stands in the court’s buildings in Rome. Across society, ex-fascists moved seamlessly from regime to democracy. Italy’s ambiguous postwar status — neither victor nor vanquished — helped to explain this lack of clarity towards fascism, the past, its monuments and its legacy. Not one Italian was prosecuted for war crimes. The Allies were complicit in the forgetting. Italy’s war experience was cast as one of victimhood, exemplified in the stereotype of the “good Italian.” Historians, too, were complicit.

A sort of “pact of forgetting” affected many of the state’s institutions, including the police and the army. Thus, although Italy was still a democratic republic, as its constitution stated, its institutions were often full of people who had worked for, and often profited from, the regime. Fascism was gone, but many Fascists were still around.

This deep ambiguity meant, for example, that there was no national policy on Fascist murals. Some were beautifully restored, some were covered with curtains, some were painted over. Huge Fascist monuments remained in place and were sources of conflict, as with the enormous arch in Bolzano, which was known as the Monument to Victory — a reference to the First World War, which led to divisions between the Italian and German-speaking populations there. But fascism was not just symbolic. In 1970, an attempted coup, organized by leading ex-fascists, tried to take power in Rome. It was later hushed up by the authorities.

Politically, however, a broad anti-fascist consensus held sway until the 1990s. With the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the mass party system which had governed Italy since 1945, things began to change. Anti-anti-fascism and post-fascism entered the political lexicon. The neo-fascist party changed its name to National Alliance and made some mild criticisms of its own past. Amid the shocking Tangentopoli (Bribesville) corruption scandal, populists emerged from the rubble of the First Republic with new messages and new political formations. One of them was Silvio Berlusconi: TV magnate, football club owner and showman. Berlusconi reached out to allies on the right and center-right — including those tainted with the mark of neo-fascism. It was Berlusconi who brought the neo-fascists back into the political fold in 1994, making an agreement with the National Alliance and with another populist grouping formed from the ruins of the collapse of the parties — the regionalist Lega Nord.

In the 1990s and 2000s, as a result of this political “return from the wilderness,” neo-fascists took power at national and local level and, when they did, they often revealed a deep nostalgia for Mussolini and the 1920s and 1930s. Monuments were restored to their full, Fascist glory. Occasionally, and shockingly, new memorials were erected to leading Fascists, such as that dedicated to the war criminal Rodolfo Graziani (paid for with public money) in his home town Affile, near Rome. New neo-fascist movements also emerged, attracting young people to the fold, as with the innovative CasaPound movement, which began in 2003 when a group of fascists began squatting in a state building in Rome. Meanwhile, the long wave of anti-fascism in Italy was on the wane. The postwar generation of partisan veterans was dying out. Resistance celebrations had become tired and repetitive. Anti-fascist values no longer seemed central to the ethos of the Republic.

Today, Italy is governed by two populist movements, neither of whom make reference to anti-fascism in their policies or outlook. The internet-based Five Star Movement claims to be “neither left nor right” and has based its rise to power on the mobilization of marginalized Italians with a powerful and often violent anti-political message. Its supposedly hyper-democratic stance often disguises a hierarchical and rhetorical appeal to “the web” and it has promoted a number of conspiracy theories. The other key player in the current administration is the Lega (formerly the Lega Nord), whose anti-immigrant message under leader Matteo Salvini, a history graduate, has proven highly toxic — and successful. Post-anti-fascism is now center stage. The anti-fascist resistance of the postwar era is now as distant to current generations as the unification of Italy was to those of the 1920s and 1930s. Plaques to partisans — “martyrs for freedom” — stand, almost unnoticed, across the country. Is Italy still a “democratic republic, based on labor,” as stated in the first article of its anti-fascist Constitution? And will it remain one?

John Foot is Professor of Modern Italian History at the University of Bristol. He is the author of The Archipelago: Italy Since 1945 (Bloomsbury, 2018).